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Human Rights

Ethiopian Court Grants 10 More Days for Blogger Terror Probe

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By William Davison

An Ethiopian court granted police 10 more days to investigate nine bloggers and journalists suspected of conspiring with “terrorist” organizations in a case that’s raised concern from the U.S. and European Union.

The suspects will next appear in court in the Arada district of the capital, Addis Ababa, on May 17 and 18 when authorities may press charges or ask to extend their detention, defense lawyer Ameha Mekonnen said by phone. Three of the bloggers attended court today, he said.

“The police alleged that these people received money from terrorist organizations and that they’ve taken training, traveling to Kenya, and one European country,” Ameha said. “Police are saying they organized themselves underground and using social media they planned to instigate a revolution.”

The capital’s police on April 25-26 arrested three freelance journalists and six bloggers with Zone 9, a group writing on Ethiopian politics. The U.S. State Department has urged the authorities to release those detained, while the EU called for the defendants to receive full legal rights.

Donors and rights groups have repeatedly criticized Ethiopia’s government for criminalizing dissent, while officials say politicians and journalists are only jailed if they break the law.

Communications Minister Redwan Hussein didn’t answer his mobile phone when Bloomberg News called today seeking comment. The mobile phone of State Minister of Communications Shimeles Kemal was switched off.


To contact the reporter on this story: William Davison in Addis Ababa at wdavison3@bloomberg.net

To contact the editors responsible for this story: Paul Richardson at pmrichardson@bloomberg.net Michael Gunn, Karl Maier

Source: Bloomberg

Ambo Must Unite Us or Nothing will

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Anonymous

This past week, we have witnessed one of the most heartbreaking incidents perpetrated on our people in Ambo and other areas of Oromia Region by the ruling junta. The TPLF-led brutal and repressive regime in Ethiopia has used and is still using a very brutal force against peaceful student demonstrators and civilian population.

This is not the first time that the TPLF murdered Ethiopians en masse in different parts of the country. The regime came to power through gun and maintained its grip to power by gun. It walked all its way to the Capital by killing and has kept up killing peaceful and civilian citizens as its way of governance. The atrocious acts of TPLF/EPRDF has affected every part of our country and there is not any region or village that has not been affected from north to south and east to west.

Just in the early days of its rule in early 1990’s, the TPLF/EPRDF started to pull out what it has in pocket one after the other. The first to taste the vicious and barbaric handling of the regime were members of the former armed forces, and we all remember what happened to them for defending their country. Next, the regime declared war in Oromia that resulted in arbitrary murder, detention and disappearances of several thousands of innocent citizens. The massacres in different areas of Eastern and Western Hararge and Arsi are good examples. Tens of thousands are still suffering in overt and covert prisons while many others have perished in prisons and detention centers. About the same time, the regime also embarked upon its other peculiar character – inciting conflicts between different sects of our society such as interethnic conflict. This has affected many in Arsi, Hararge, Borana, Goji etc.

Next the TPLF brutal hands reached Awassa (Loque) in May of 2002 when the regime solders fired at mass of peaceful demonstrators and gunned down some 70 innocent citizens cold blooded. This was followed by the Annuak massacre in Gambella region of December 2003 in which more than 400 innocent people were murdered in a single day by TPLF soldiers and by direct order from the them prime minister. However, we the Ethiopian people were not able to stand and respond together. In 2005 following the election crisis, the regime massacred hundreds of innocent citizens, of which the regime itself admitted to have murdered 193, in Addis Ababa alone. The Ogaden area has been under all out war and ethnic cleansing for years and we have been reading and hearing of cruel crimes against humanity in that region. Then came the case of our brothers and sisters who happen to be Muslims. Simply because they did not like the government’s interference in religious affairs consistent with the principles of the religion, we all witnessed the sufferings and ordeals they have gone through. Many Ethiopian Muslims were murdered in various places such as Wollo and Arsi (Asasa) while many others including religious leaders have been arrested and subjected to abuses. Moreover, The TPLF cruelty has reached various areas in Gojam, Gondar, Tigray, Afar and others. The attack by TPLF on Ethiopians is multifaceted and includes extrajudicial killings, detentions, displacements from lands etc.

However, in all of these incidents, we have never acted in unison to the extent that can make a difference. When injustice was done in one place or to one group of our society, the rest of us have not felt or shown equal pains. By doing that we gave the TPLF a very convenient ground so that it can do any thing it wants to without any problem. Moreover, by doing this we legitimized the TPLF’s divisive strategy.

How and why has this happened to us? Even at this very time when the regime is most hated in all regions, we are still not ready to deny it the chance to fool us. We have to confront this reality straight and discuss openly.

TPLF/EPRDF has carefully designed and implemented the divide- and-rule principle on us and the strategy has worked very successful. As a result the regime is harvesting the fruit. The regime is also confident that we remain divided and defeated, and hopes to continue this for indefinite time. I acknowledge the legitimate concerns emanating from the different political views and lines we pursue. However, TPLF has manipulated that difference to make it more productive for its own. This matter has given the regime an opportunity to play cards by adhering to one group when it deviates from the other. I urge us to move beyond this and focus on common enemy – the TPLF. Why? Because unless we come together and stand together, we will all remain preys for TPLF and be taken care of one by one. The other reason: there is no too dreadful political intention among Ethiopians of any view or ethnic group to my understanding. I assume it is all reconcilable. I also believe there is a consensus among all of us on the importance of being part of a bigger and stronger union in that sensitive region of the Horn of Africa at the end. I do not want to go into more politics in this piece of article.

The current question of the Oromo students is purely about democratic rights and freedom, and is not related to any political organization as the TPLF tries to portray. Their main question is why such a life threatening decision for millions of people around Addis Ababa was made without any consultation with them and where will the land grab and sale stops. Land grab and displacement of indigenous people is not new to Oromia. The students have practical information about what happens to those displaced from their lands. In addition, the cumulative effects of brutality, human rights violations, corruption, poor social services, racist policies, inflation and hard living conditions under this government have fueled the peaceful protests. All the major questions they were raising were relating to these and there is no doubt that these are the questions of the entire Ethiopian people. They raised our own questions. Questions deviating from this general trend were very few and only heard on limited occasions. Those things do not characterize student protest in any way. Partly, some of those things might have been done by the ruling party to incriminate the students while also some individuals might have used it to energize the base.

The student demonstrations were peaceful protests without any violence but they were met with brutality that included shooting, beating and detentions in unspecified place and number. In Ethiopia, we all know what an arrest in the hands of TPLF means- it means severe torture that results in permanent or life threatening disability and, in some cases, life long disappearance. International media such as the BBC reported that the town of Ambo only suffered 47 deaths and hundreds of injuries while local sources put the death toll to over 50. There are more causalities in Guder, Tikur Inchini, Nekemte, Haromaya etc. These are our innocent brothers and sisters who took penalties for trying to use their democratic and constitutional rights. We must unite for Ambo and rally together. We will be voices for those voiceless young school kids who were murdered in the streets and others who are detained en mass and demand that such vicious acts stop, all arrested people be released immediately and unconditionally, and the perpetrators and the commanders be brought to justice.

Source: Ethiomedia.com

 

Ethiopia: Brutal Crackdown on Protests

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Security Forces Fire On, Beat Students Protesting Plan to Expand Capital Boundaries
© 2012 Human Rights Watch
Ethiopia’s heavy handed reaction to the Oromo protests is the latest example of the government’s ruthless response to any criticism of its policies. UN member countries should tell Ethiopia that responding with excessive force against protesters is unacceptable and needs to stop.”
Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director

(Nairobi) – Ethiopian security forces should cease using excessive force against students peacefully protesting plans to extend the boundaries of the capital, Addis Ababa. The authorities should immediately release students and others arbitrarily arrested during the protests and investigate and hold accountable security officials who are responsible for abuses.

On May 6, 2014, the government will appear before the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva for the country’s Universal Periodic Review of its human rights record.

“Students have concerns about the fate of farmers and others on land the government wants to move inside Addis Ababa,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Rather than having its security forces attack peaceful protesters, the government should sit down and discuss the students’ grievances.”

Since April 25, students have demonstrated throughout Oromia Regional State to protest the government’s plan to substantially expand the municipal boundaries of Addis Ababa, which the students feel would threaten communities currently under regional jurisdiction. Security forces have responded by shooting at and beating peaceful protesters in Ambo, Nekemte, Jimma, and other towns with unconfirmed reports from witnesses of dozens of casualties.

Protests began at universities in Ambo and other large towns throughout Oromia, and spread to smaller communities throughout the region. Witnesses said security forces fired live ammunition at peaceful protesters in Ambo on April 30. Official government statements put the number of dead in Ambo at eight, but various credible local sources put the death toll much higher. Since the events in Ambo, the security forces have allegedly used excessive force against protesters throughout the region, resulting in further casualties. Ethiopian authorities have said there has been widespread looting and destruction of property during the protests.

The protests erupted over the release in April of the proposed Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which outlines plans for Addis Ababa’s municipal expansion. Under the proposed plan, Addis Ababa’s municipal boundary would be expanded substantially to include more than 15 communities in Oromia. This land would fall under the jurisdiction of the Addis Ababa City Administration and would no longer be managed by Oromia Regional State. Demonstrators have expressed concern about the displacement of Oromo farmers and residents on the affected land.|

Ethiopia is experiencing an economic boom and the government has ambitious plans for further economic growth. This boom has resulted in a growing middle class in Addis Ababa and an increased demand for residential, commercial, and industrial properties. There has not been meaningful consultation with impacted communities during the early stages of this expansion into the surrounding countryside, raising concerns about the risk of inadequate compensation and due process protections to displaced farmers and residents.

Oromia is the largest of Ethiopia’s nine regions and is inhabited largely by ethnic Oromos. The Oromos are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group and have historically felt marginalized and discriminated against by successive Ethiopian governments. The city of Addis Ababa is surrounded on all sides by the Oromia region.

Given very tight restrictions on independent media and human rights monitoring in Ethiopia, it is difficult to corroborate the government crackdown in Oromia. There is little independent media in Oromia to monitor these events, and foreign journalists who have attempted to reach demonstrations have been turned away or detained.

Ethiopia has one of the most repressive media environments in the world. Numerous journalists are in prison, independent media outlets are regularly closed down, and many journalists have fled the country. Underscoring the repressive situation, the government on April 25 and 26 arbitrarily arrestednine bloggers and journalists in Addis Ababa. They remain in detention without charge. In addition, the Charities and Societies Proclamation, enacted in 2009, has severely curtailed the ability of independent human rights organizations to investigate and report on human rights abuses like the recent events in Oromia.

“The government should not be able to escape accountability for abuses in Oromo because it has muzzled the media and human rights groups,” Lefkow said.

Since Ethiopia’s last Universal Periodic Review in 2009 its human rights record has taken a significant downturn, with the authorities showing increasing intolerance of any criticism of the government and further restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and association. The recent crackdown in Oromia highlights the risks protesters face and the inability of the media and human rights groups to report on important events.

Ethiopian authorities should abide by the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, which provide that all security forces shall, as far as possible, apply nonviolent means before resorting to force. Whenever the lawful use of force is unavoidable, the authorities must use restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense. Law enforcement officials should not use firearms against people “except in self-defense or defense of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury.”

“Ethiopia’s heavy handed reaction to the Oromo protests is the latest example of the government’s ruthless response to any criticism of its policies,” Lefkow said. “UN member countries should tell Ethiopia that responding with excessive force against protesters is unacceptable and needs to stop.”

Source: Human Rights Watch

An Unholy Alliance in East Africa

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John Kerry knows Ethiopia is repressive. So why does Washington keep shoring it up?

By BRONWYN BRUTON

John Kerry is pictured. | AP Photo

Still, policymakers in Washington have long leaned on Ethiopia’s military support in the region. When it comes to security in East Africa, Kerry said in Addis Ababa, “Ethiopia plays such an essential role—a key role, a leadership role—and we’re very, very grateful for that.” In a more or less direct quid pro quo, however, Washington has turned a blind eye to Addis Ababa’s human rights abuses. Concerns about the shrinking democratic space in the country or the torture of opposition members have largely been voiced in private, behind closed doors—producing a silence that has cemented a strong regional perception that Washington cares more about counterterrorism than it does about democracy or human rights.

Perhaps the best evidence of this to date is America’s willingness to foot the bill for Ethiopia’s participation in the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia, despite Ethiopia’s chilling record of prior human rights abuses in that country. Because Ethiopia just joined the mission this past January, it’s not yet clear how much bilateral aid the United States is giving Ethiopia to support its participation. But if the amount is consistent with the aid packages provided to Kenya, Uganda and Burundi for their troop contributions to the mission, Ethiopia can expect to receive tens of millions of dollars in direct military support from Washington, in the form of weapons, cash and training.

Thankfully, discomfort with the Ethiopian partnership is slowly growing, and Kerry’s visit is evidence of that. In a press conference in Addis Ababa on Thursday, he finally did what human rights activists have been demanding for some time: publically criticizing the human rights record of the regime—even mentioning the incarcerated political blogger Natnail Feleke by name and defending the right of journalists to criticize the regime. Still, most of his comments extolled Ethiopia’s economic growth and its peacemaking efforts in the region. A strong commercial partnership with the United States, Kerry said, “helps to provide the capacity for Ethiopia to be able to lead in some of the other initiatives that are so critical to stability in the region.”

Most important, Kerry actively extended his first press briefing in Addis Ababa for a question that gave him an opening to reinforce his human rights message. “When I stand up in public,” he said, “the fact that I’m doing that is serious.”

He’s right. If Kerry is signaling his intention to be openly critical of the Ethiopian government’s human rights from this stage forward, it marks a significant evolution of U.S. policy. But a handful of sentences in the midst of so much financial and political support for the Ethiopian government still seems very little. It is a step in the right direction, if still painfully small.


Bronwyn Bruton is deputy director of the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council.

Source: Politico Magazine

Ethiopia: Arrests Upstage Kerry Visit

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9 Bloggers, Journalists Held Before US Official Arrives

(Nairobi) – The Ethiopian authorities should immediately release six bloggers and three journalists arrested on April 25 and 26, 2014, unless credible charges are promptly brought.
The nine arrests signal, once again, that anyone who criticizes the Ethiopian government will be silenced. The timing of the arrests – just days before the US secretary of state’s visit – speaks volumes about Ethiopia’s disregard for free speech.
Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director

United States Secretary of State John Kerry, who is scheduled to visit Ethiopia beginning April 29, should urge Ethiopian officials to unconditionally release all activists and journalists who have been arbitrarily detained or convicted in unfair trials. The arrests also came days before Ethiopia is scheduled to have its human rights record assessed at the United Nations Human Rights Council’s universal periodic review in Geneva on May 6.

“The nine arrests signal, once again, that anyone who criticizes the Ethiopian government will be silenced,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “The timing of the arrests – just days before the US secretary of state’s visit – speaks volumes about Ethiopia’s disregard for free speech.”

On the afternoon of April 25, police in uniform and civilian clothes conducted what appeared to be a coordinated operation of near-simultaneous arrests. Six members of a group known as the “Zone9” bloggers – Befekadu Hailu, Atnaf Berahane, Natnael Feleke, Mahlet Fantahun, Zelalem Kibret, and Abel Wabela – were arrested at their offices and in the streets. Tesfalem Weldeyes, a freelance journalist, was also arrested during the operation. Edom Kassaye, a second freelance journalist, was arrested on either April 25 or 26; the circumstances of her arrest are unclear but all eight individuals were apparently taken to Maekelawi Police Station, the federal detention center in Addis Ababa, the capital.

The police searched the bloggers and journalists’ offices and homes, reportedly with search warrants, and confiscated private laptops and literature. On April 26, another journalist, Asmamaw Hailegeorgis of Addis Guday newspaper, was also arrested and is reportedly detained in Maekelawi.

The detainees are currently being held incommunicado. On the morning of April 26, relatives were denied access to the detainees by Maekelawi guards, and only allowed to deposit food. 

Human Rights Watch released a report in October 2013 documenting serious human rights abuses, including torture and other ill-treatment,unlawful interrogation tactics, and poor detention conditions in Maekelawi against political detainees, including journalists. Detainees at Maekelawi are seldom granted access to legal counsel or their relatives during the initial investigation phase.

The Zone9 bloggers have faced increasing harassment by the authorities over the last six months. Sources told Human Rights Watch that one of the bloggers and one of the journalists have been regularly approached, including at home, by alleged intelligence agents and asked about the work of the group and their alleged links to political opposition parties and human rights groups. The blogger was asked a week before their arrest of the names and personal information of all the Zone9 members. The arrests on April 25, 2014, came two days after Zone9 posted a statement on social media saying they planned to increase their activism after a period of laying low because of ongoing intimidation.

A Human Rights Watch report in March described the technologies used by the Ethiopian government to conduct surveillance of perceived political opponents, activists, and journalists inside the country and among the diaspora. It highlights how the government’s monopoly over all mobile and Internet services through its sole, state-owned telecom operator, Ethio Telecom, facilitates abuse of surveillance powers.

Kerry is scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom in Addis Ababa “to discuss efforts to advance peace and democracy in the region.” Kerry should strongly urge the Ethiopian government to end arbitrary arrests, release all activists and journalists unjustly detained or convicted, and promptly amend draconian laws on freedom of association and terrorism that have frequently been used to justify arbitrary arrests and political prosecutions. The Obama administration has said very little about the need for human rights reforms in Ethiopia.

“Secretary Kerry should be clear that the Ethiopian government’s crackdown on media and civil society harms ties with the US,” Lefkow said.  “Continued repression in Ethiopia cannot mean business as usual for Ethiopia-US relations.”

Source: Human Rights Watch

Ethiopia detains bloggers and journalist

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Security forces arrest six bloggers and a journalist in latest crackdown on opposition voices.

The Ethiopian government has arrested six independent bloggers and a journalist in what human rights group Amnesty International has called a “suffocating grip on freedom of expression”.

Six members of independent blogger and activist group ‘Zone 9’ and a prominent Ethiopian journalist were arrested on Friday in the capital Addis Ababa.

These arrests appear to be yet another alarming round up of opposition or independent voices

Claire Beston, Amnesty International

All six bloggers were arrested at night by armed security forces and taken from their homes to the Federal Police Crime Investigation Sector ‘Maikelawi’, where political prisoners are alleged to be held in pre-trial, and sometimes arbitrary detention.

The Zone 9 group who are said to be very critical of government policy and have a strong following on social media had temporarily suspended their activities earlier this year after accusing the government of harassing their members.

Journalist Tesfalem Waldyes who writes independent commentary on political issues for a Ethiopian newspaper was also arrested.

According to Ethiopian journalist Simegnish Yekoye, Waldyes is being denied visitation by friends and family and it’s unclear what prompted his arrest and what charges he is being held under.

Simegnish Yekoye told Al Jazeera she was unaware of why the government had clamped down on journalists and their was growing fear on the future of a free press.

“I am very scared, I don’t know what’s going to happen next,” she said.

Ranked 143 in the 2014 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index, media watchdogs say 49 journalists fled the country between 2007 and 2012 to evade government persecution.

Ethiopia: Journalism under anti-terrorism law

Human rights group Amesty International criticised the arrests, saying “these arrests appear to be yet another alarming round up of opposition or independent voices”.

“The Ethiopian government is tightening its suffocating grip on freedom of expression in a major crackdown which has seen the arrest of numerous independent, critical and opposition voices over the last two days”, Claire Beston, Ethiopia researcher at Amnesty International, said.

Al Jazeera’s Mohammed Adow reporting from Bahir Dar said it was unclear what will happen to the detained journalists.

“There are scores of journalists currently serving between 14 and 27 years in prison with some charged on terrorism offences.”

Source: Al Jazeera

Ethiopia: Multiple arrests in major crackdown on government critics

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Press Release

The Ethiopian government is tightening its suffocating grip on freedom of expression in a major crackdown which has seen the arrest of numerous independent, critical and opposition voices over the last two days, said Amnesty International.

Six members of an independent blogger and activist group and a freelance journalist were arrested yesterday 25 April. Another journalist was arrested this morning. Meanwhile 20 members of the political opposition Semayawi (Blue) party have been arrested since Thursday.

“These arrests appear to be yet another alarming round up of opposition or independent voices” said Claire Beston, Ethiopia researcher at Amnesty International.

“This is part of a long trend of arrests and harassment of human rights defenders, activists, journalists and political opponents in Ethiopia.”

Six members of the independent blogger and activist group ‘Zone 9’ were arrested on 25 April in Addis Ababa. Group members Befeqadu Hailu, Atnaf Berahane, Mahlet Fantahun, Zelalem Kiberet, Natnael Feleke and Abel Wabela were arrested from their offices or in the street on Friday afternoon. All six were first taken to their homes, which were searched, and then taken to the infamous Federal Police Crime Investigation Sector ‘Maikelawi’, where political prisoners are held in pre-trial, and sometimes arbitrary, detention.

At around the same time on Friday afternoon freelance journalist Tesfalem Waldyes was also arrested. His home was also searched before he was taken to Maikelawi. Another freelance journalist and friend of the Zone 9 group, Edom Kasaye, was arrested on the morning of Saturday 26 April. She was accompanied by police to her home, which was searched, and then taken to Maikelawi.

“The detainees must be immediately released unless they are charged with a recognisable criminal offence” said Claire Beston.

“They must also be given immediate access to their families and lawyers.”

The detainees are being held incommunicado. Family members of those arrested reportedly went to Maikelawi on the morning of Saturday 26 April, and were told they could leave food for the detainees, but they were not permitted to see them.

The Zone 9 group had temporarily suspended their activities over the last six months after what they say was a significant increase in surveillance and harassment of their members. On 23 April the group announced via social media that they were returning to their blogging and activism. The arrests came two days later.

It is not known what prompted Waldyes’ arrest, but he is well known as a journalist writing independent commentary on political issues.

In further arrests, the political opposition party, the Semayawi (Blue) Party, says that during 24 and 25 April more than 20 of its members were arrested. The party was arranging to hold a demonstration on Sunday 27 April. They had provided the requisite notification to Addis Ababa administration, and had reportedly received permission.

The arrested party members, which include the Vice Chairman of the party, are reported to be in detention in a number of police stations around the city, including Kazanchis 6th, Gulele and Yeka police stations.

The Chairman of the party, Yilkil Getnet, was also reportedly arrested, but was released late on Friday night.

Over the last year, the Semayawi party has staged several demonstrations, which have witnessed the arrests and temporary detention of organisers and demonstrators on a number of occasions.

In March, seven female members of the Semayawi Party were arrested during a run to mark International Women’s Day in Addis Ababa, after chanting slogans including “We need freedom! Free political prisoners! We need justice! Freedom! Don’t divide us!” The women were released without charge after ten days in detention.

“With still a year to go before the general elections, the Ethiopian government is closing any remaining holes in its iron grip on freedom of speech, opinion and thought in the country” said Claire Beston.

Source: Amnesty International

Ethiopia’s ‘villagisation’ scheme fails to bear fruit

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Residents say government has not delivered on resettlement promise of land, clean water and livestock

By William Davison in Gambella

MDG:  Ethiopia's forced villagisation scheme in Gambella province
In the village of Elay, people are defying the government and returning home. Photograph: William Davison

The orderly village of Agulodiek in Ethiopia‘s western Gambella region stands in stark contrast to Elay, a settlement 5km west of Gambella town, where collapsed straw huts strewn with cracked clay pots lie among a tangle of bushes.

Agulodiek is a patch of land where families gradually gathered of their own accord, while Elay is part of the Ethiopian government’s contentious “villagisation” scheme that ended last year. The plan in Gambella was to relocate almost the entire rural population of the state over three years. Evidence from districts surrounding Gambella town suggest the policy is failing.

Two years ago people from Agulodiek moved to Elay after officials enticed them with promises of land, livestock, clean water, a corn grinder, education and a health clinic. Instead they found dense vegetation they were unable to cultivate. After one year of selling firewood to survive, they walked back home.

“All the promises were empty,” says Apwodho Omot, an ethnic Anuak, sitting in shade at Agulodiek. There is a donor-funded school at the village whose dirt paths are swept clear of debris, and the government built a hand pump in 2004 that still draws water from a borehole. Apwodho’s community says they harvest corn twice a year from fertile land they have cleared. “We don’t know why the government picked Elay,” she says.

Gambella region’s former president Omod Obang Olum reported last year that 35,000 households had voluntarily moved from a target of 45,000. The official objective had been to cluster scattered households to make public service delivery more efficient. Critics such as Human Rights Watch said the underlying reason was to clear the way for agricultural investors, and that forced evictions overseen by soldiers involved rape and murder. The Ethiopian government refute the allegations.

Last month the London-based law firm Leigh Day & Co began proceedings against the UK Department for International Development (DfID) at the high court after a man from Gambella alleged he suffered abuse when the agency supported the resettlement scheme. Since 2006, DfID and other donors have funded a multibillion-dollar programme in Ethiopia that pays the salaries of key regional government workers such as teachers and nurses through the Protection of Basic Services scheme.

A DfID spokesman said: “We will not comment on ongoing legal action, however, the UK has never funded Ethiopia’s resettlement programmes. Our support to the Protection of Basic Services Programme is only used to provide essential services like healthcare, schooling and clean water.”

Karmi, 10km from Gambella town, is a newly expanded community for those resettled along one of the few tarmac roads. Two teachers scrub clothes in plastic tubs on a sticky afternoon. A herd of goats nibble shrubs as purple and orange lizards edge up tree trunks. There is little activity in the village, which has bare pylons towering over it waiting for high-voltage cables to improve Gambella’s patchy electricity supply.

The teachers work in an impressive school built in 2011 with funds from the UN refugee agency. It has a capacity of 245 students for grades one to five – yet the teachers have only a handful of pupils per class. “This is a new village but the people have left,” says Tigist Megersa.

Kolo Cham grows sorghum and corn near the Baro river, a 30-minute walk from his family home at Karmi. The area saw an influx of about 600 people at the height of villagisation, says Kolo, crouching on a tree stump, surrounded only by a group of children with a puppy. Families left when they got hungry and public services weren’t delivered. “They moved one by one so the government didn’t know the number was decreasing,” he says.

The Anuak at Karmi have reason to fear the authorities, particularly Ethiopia’s military. Several give accounts of beatings and arrests by soldiers as they searched for the perpetrators of a nearby March 2012attack on a bus that killed 19. The insecurity was a key factor in the exodus, according to residents.

As well as the Anuak, who have tended crops near riverbanks in Gambella for more than 200 years, the region is home to cattle-herding Nuer residents, who began migrating from Sudan in the late 19th century. Thousands of settlers from northern Ethiopia also arrived in the 1980s when the highlands suffered a famine. The government blamed the bus attack on Anuak rebels who consider their homeland colonised.

David Pred is the managing director of Inclusive Development International. The charity is representing Gambella residents, who haveaccused the World Bank of violating its own policies by funding the resettlement programme. An involuntary, abusive, poorly planned and inadequately funded scheme was bound to fail, he says. “It requires immense resources, detailed planning and a process that is truly participatory in order for resettlement to lead to positive development outcomes,” he adds.

Most of flood-prone Gambella, one of Ethiopia’s least developed states, is covered with scrub and grasslands. Inhospitable terrain makes it difficult for villagisation to take root in far-flung places such as Akobo, which borders South Sudan. Akobo is one of the three districts selected for resettlement, according to Kok Choul, who represents the district in the regional council.

In 2009, planners earmarked Akobo for four new schools, clinics, vets, flourmills and water schemes, as well as 76km of road. But the community of about 30,000 has seen no change, says 67-year-old Kok, who has 19 children from four wives. “There is no road to Gambella so there is no development,” he says. One well-placed civil servant explains that funds for services across the region were swallowed by items such as daily allowances for government workers.

A senior regional official says the state ran low on funds for resettlement, leading to delivery failures and cost-cutting. For example, substandard corn grinders soon broke and have not been repaired, he says. The government will continue to try to provide planned services in three districts including Akobo this year and next, according to the official.

However, the programme has transformed lives, with some farmers harvesting three times a year, says Ethiopia’s ambassador to the UK, Berhanu Kebede. The government is addressing the “few cases that are not fully successful”, he says. Service provision is ongoing and being monitored and improved upon if required, according to Kebede.

At Elay, Oman Nygwo, a wiry 40-year-old in cut-off jeans, gives a tour of deserted huts and points to a line of mango trees that mark his old home on the banks of the Baro. He is scathing about the implementation of the scheme but remains in Elay as there is less risk of flooding. There was no violence accompanying these resettlements, Oman says, but “there would be problems if the government tried to move us again”.

Source: The Guardian

How Rwanda’s Paul Kagame Exploits U.S. Guilt

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Washington’s remorse over standing by during the genocide 20 years ago is enabling repression today

Rwanda’s president, Paul Kagame, in Brussels on April 2. Mr. Kagame, who led a Tutsi insurgency after the 1994 genocide, was elected to a second term in 2010. Reuters

On an early April evening 20 years ago, an airplane carrying the president of Rwanda was mysteriously shot down, and the small Central African country launched itself into a killing spree that would last 100 days. Rwanda’s genocide was shocking: close-quarter, hand-to-hand butchery, mostly with machetes and other implements. Some 800,000 people were murdered after members of the country’s Tutsi minority were targeted by members of its vast Hutu majority.

As Rwanda has sought to rebuild from the ashes of the genocide, the U.S. has felt a special obligation to the victims. During the early weeks of the slaughter, when foreign intervention had the best chance of halting the bloodshed, President Bill Clinton’s administration carefully avoided designating the crisis a genocide so as to duck involvement. (When President Clinton visited Rwanda in 1998, he said that the U.S. “did not act quickly enough after the killing began.”)

But today’s Rwanda—led by President Paul Kagame, who rose to power as the head of a Tutsi insurgency driving back the Hutu killers in 1994—no longer follows a simple narrative of victims and perpetrators. The longer the U.S. has been guided by that narrative—atoning, in effect, for shirking global leadership during one of the worst mass slaughters of the past century—the more it has become complicit in crimes and misdeeds in Rwanda ever since.

A pattern of U.S. indulgence was established in the earliest days of the post-genocide period, when Mr. Kagame was establishing his authority throughout the country. During those first months, Mr. Kagame’s army, composed almost entirely of minority Tutsi, conducted its own mass slaughters across Rwanda, rounding up unarmed Hutu civilians by the thousands and machine-gunning them. These acts were documented at the time by international human rights workers and U.N. experts on the ground. The Kagame government has bristled at accusations of human rights abuses, saying it acted on behalf of the victims of the genocide. (The Rwandan government did not respond to repeated requests for comment on this article.)

A seasoned U.N. investigator, Robert Gersony, estimated that as many as 35,000 Hutu were killed in this manner between April and September 1994 in the 28% of the country that his team surveyed. “What we found,” an investigator who took part in the survey told me, “was a well-organized, military style operation, with military command and control, and these were military campaign style mass murders.” But the U.N. never released the report. Human Rights Watch reported that the U.S. “concurred in this decision, largely to avoid weakening the new Rwandan government.”

Many historians of Rwanda say that this set a powerful precedent of impunity for the new Kagame regime—and paved the way for larger crimes.

Mr. Kagame moved to consolidate his power, with U.S. and other foreign aid accounting for virtually all of the country’s budget in 1995. (That figure stands today at 40%, according to the World Bank.) He quickly set about eliminating sources of opposition and criticism throughout Rwanda. Under his rule, independent-minded journalists were jailed or chased into exile. In 1997, Appolos Hakizimana, the editor of a magazine that had criticized the Rwandan military, was shot dead by unidentified gunmen. Rival political leaders (such as Pasteur Bizimungu, the titular but largely powerless president in the late 1990s, and Victoire Ingabire in the last election) were imprisoned; some rival parties have been banned.

Meanwhile, with tacit U.S. support, Mr. Kagame launched a pair of wars against neighboring Zaire (later renamed the Democratic Republic of Congo). The rationale for the first of these conflicts, in 1996, was that Zaire harbored thousands of armed perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide who were bent on revenge. But Mr. Kagame went beyond hunting down genocidaires, and Rwandan intervention in Congo became habit-forming, at a devastating cost in human lives.

The International Rescue Committee estimates that more than five million people have died since 1998 as a result of the wars and campaign of destabilization waged by Mr. Kagame in Congo. Perhaps the most troubling fact of these conflicts has been Rwanda’s pursuit of coldblooded ethnic revenge. Congo has repeatedly accused Rwanda of interference in its affairs; Rwanda says Congo’s weak government has done too little to root out Hutu extremists who took part in the 1994 genocide.

In 2010, an exhaustive U.N. report on a decade of Rwandan-sponsored conflict in Congo revealed that Mr. Kagame’s forces had carried out a highly targeted campaign against Rwandan and native Congolese Hutu, some of whom had fled to Congo after the genocide. Some experts have put the death toll as high as 300,000 people. The overwhelming majority of these victims, according to the report, were unarmed, including large numbers of women, children and the elderly. (The Rwandan government called the U.N. report “outrageous” and “amateurish.”)

As a foreign correspondent at the time, I followed these people as they crossed the enormous breadth of Congo by foot, their numbers dwindling as they came under attack by Rwandan forces and fell from disease. But the U.S. ambassador to Congo at the time, Daniel Howard Simpson, said that humanitarian concern about these refugees was misplaced. “They are the bad guys,” he told me in 1997, justifying Washington’s silence. Years later, the U.N.’s investigation reached a different conclusion: “The apparent systematic and widespread attacks described in this report reveal a number of inculpatory elements that, if proven before a competent court, could be characterized as crimes of genocide.”

Filip Reyntjens, a Belgian scholar and leading expert on Rwanda, wrote last year that Mr. Kagame, for all his “vision and ambition,” was “probably the worst war criminal in office today.” But 20 years after the genocide, Mr. Kagame—tall, gaunt and severe-looking—tours U.S. college campuses, where he receives honorary degrees and is toasted by the great and the good of the Western world.

Western sympathy and guilt over the genocide explain much of this, but Mr. Kagame also has excelled at conveying an image of Rwanda as something new to Africa: a capable, technocratic state dedicated to good governance, a regional financial hub and an Internet-for-all society. “They are extremely adept in speaking a discourse that Westerners want to hear,” said Catharine Newbury, a Rwanda specialist at Smith College.

Rwanda remains extremely poor, but it has recently sustained fast growth rates, and health care, longevity, education and gender equality have improved strongly. Still, Mr. Kagame is best seen not as a modernizing technocrat but as an unapologetic autocrat. He bullies his neighbors, rewards his cronies and menaces dissidents.

The U.S. State Department says that it is troubled by what appear to be the politically motivated killings of a number of high-profile Rwandan exiles. When Rwanda’s former spy chief was found dead in a Johannesburg hotel in January, Mr. Kagame denied any involvement but added, in an interview with The Wall Street Journal, “I actually wish Rwanda did it. I really wish it.”

The country’s ruling party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, also controls a vast array of business interests in Rwanda, experts say—managed totally off-budget. “Kagame is the only one who knows how much money this is or how it is spent,” said Theogene Rudawingwa, a dissident in exile who was once Mr. Kagame’s chief of staff.

Recently, U.S. diplomats have taken Mr. Kagame to task for supporting militias in Congo. But critics say that Washington must go much further to improve the course of post-genocide Rwanda. With Mr. Kagame approaching the end of his constitutional term limits in 2017, a big opportunity looms. “There has to be an uncompromising position on opening up political space in the country and ending the destabilization of the Congo,” said Scott Straus, a University of Wisconsin political scientist. “I don’t think it will be easy, but more of the same isn’t going to work.”

Mr. French is a professor at Columbia Journalism School, a former New York TimesNYT +0.60% foreign correspondent and the author of “China’s Second Continent: How a Million Migrants Are Building a New Empire in Africa,” to be published by Knopf in May.

Source: The Wall Street Journal

Why Are So Many Journalists in Jail?

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By Dana Wagner, Writer and MGA

I recently wrote an article criticizing two Canadian Cabinet ministers and the absolute privilege of irreverence struck me yet again. I didn’t have to spend a week sleeping anywhere but home to avoid thugs, or worry about my family losing their jobs, or alert my friends — especially my international ones — that I feared jail and to keep the media on my case if I disappeared.

If I did expect any of that, I don’t think I would have the courage to write. That is a great tragedy in societies without press freedom or freedom of speech, that critics can be silenced by the powerful, invisible force of self-censorship.

Disturbingly, it’s the ones who defy that force that make the case for self-censorship stronger: They face the outsized punishment that is also an explicit warning to the rest. Jail, harassment, or worse for journalists and their families has the ultimate demonstration effect.

A reporter in Mexico summed the rationale for staying quiet, for only covering the soft stories in his narco-ruled city, to fellow journalist Óscar Martínez: “Because I live here. And my family lives here.”

Martínez explains, in his book The Beast, “For those who live in the middle of the violence in these towns, for those who travel without bodyguards and earn a pittance for their work, for those who work from their homes where their kids live and play, silence is understandable.”

In countries where autocrats control and restrict information, the demonstrations are chilling. Take these three cases from Vietnam, Turkey, and Ethiopia (ranked in the bottom 40 out of 180 countries on the 2014 World Press Freedom Index):

Nguyen Van Hai, pen name Dieu Cay, is a Vietnamese blogger currently serving a 12-year prison sentence. He covered government corruption and other sensitive issues — or, in the language of his charges, he ‘conducted propaganda’ against the state. The little that’s known about his condition in Vietnam’s infamous prison camps is from rarely-approved visits by family, sometimes just five minutes long.

Hatice Duman is a former owner and news editor of Atilim (Leap), a socialist weekly, and is serving a life sentence in Turkey on several charges including propaganda, weapons seizure, and attempted use of force to change the constitutional order. Part of the evidence used to lay these dubious charges, according to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), was witness testimony by Duman’s husband who says he gave it under torture. Turkey ranked first for the number of jailed members of the press until March 2014, and RSF calls the country “one of the world’s biggest prisons for journalists.”

Reeyot Alemu is a freelance columnist and former high school English teacher in Addis Ababa. She is serving a five-year sentence on a conviction of promoting terrorist attacks. Her columns criticized the government for nepotism and cronyism — for reserving good careers and education for the friends and family of elites. Alemu also compared Ehtiopian-style governance to that of Muammar Qaddafi. Alemu reported being tortured in jail, prompting UN criticism when Ethiopia failed to investigate.

What’s behind censorship? The essence is image and interests. No government wants embarrassing facts circulated by the press. Some governments mitigate this risk by curbing embarrassing behaviour; others choke anyone who points it out. And no government wants to damage its own interests, which directly counter the public interest wherever state officials collude in corruption and thuggery.

The Committee to Protect Journalists tallied the charges against jailed journalists around the world and found the majority are anti-state charges like subversion and terrorism. The easier it is to be handled as a subversive or terrorist – and unenviably, it’s easiest for Turks, Iranians, and Chinese, according to CPJ — the less likely it is that reporters will confront state image and interests.

Sticking with Vietnam, Turkey and Ethiopia, there’s a lot of material for writers. Vietnam’s Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung said in his New Year’s address, that “any restrictions on freedom of citizens must be … only for the sake of national defence and security, social safety and order and preservation of our cultural, historical and moral values” — for anything, in other words. Turkey’s leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, tried to ban Twitter and social media before elections in March, explaining “I cannot understand how sensible people still defend Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. They run all kinds of lies.” And Ethiopia’s head, Hailemariam Desalegn, vowed (in Qaddafi-style eloquence) to continue the legacy of his predecessor, dictator Meles Zenawi, “without any change” because “we brought peace, democracy and development to the country.”

In all three countries, anti-press freedom laws give leaders the impunity to act on their arrogance, and silence whoever bears witness to their delusions and exposes the ugly underside of their societies. That cheats all of us out of being better informed, global citizens.

Imagine a world without a George Orwell and The Road to Wigan Pier, without Katherine Boo and Behind the Beautiful Forevers, or without Óscar Martínez and The Beast. What if Britain, the United States, and El Salvador had silenced these radicals before they ever documented working class poverty, the economics of slum life, and the horror of migrant trails?

Of course not every writer behind bars is a prodigy, but some likely are. There are 211 jailed journalists worldwide, as of December 2013, and a countless community of silenced colleagues attached to each one. Imagine what we’re missing.

Source: The Huffington Post, Canada